Abstract Background Caregiving is critical to children’s survival, growth, and development. In Nepal, national surveys highlight suboptimal caregiving practices for children aged under three years. Our study aimed to understand cognitive and socio-emotional caregiving practices for children under three in Dhanusha District, Nepal, to inform community interventions to promote Early Childhood Development (ECD). Methods We used qualitative methods to explore caregivers’ perceptions and practices related to cognitive and socio-emotional caregiving for children aged under three years. We purposively selected seven village development committees and conducted seven Semi-Structured Interviews (SSIs) with mothers (n=4) and grandmothers (n=3) of children under three years as well as four Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) with mothers (n=29) in Dhanusha District, Nepal. The SSIs and FGDs were audio-recorded, transcribed in Nepali, translated into English, and analysed using the framework approach. Results Caregivers thought that young children learned new skills by observing and imitating parents and older siblings, but also that ‘real learning’ mostly occurred in school after three years of age. Socialisation processes differed by gender, as reflected in the cultural acceptance of gender-specific play activities: for example, boys were encouraged to play outside and girls to play ‘kitchen’. Mothers and grandmothers engaged in stimulating activities with their children, but these activities were not perceived as ‘learning’ opportunities and were often limited by caregivers’ heavy workloads. Caregivers described good behaviours as children following parents’ instructions. Disciplining was frequent and included verbal and physical punishments. Mothers and grandmothers had primary responsibility for childcare, and the burden of responsibility was higher in households where husbands worked abroad. Mothers aspired for their sons to attain jobs, and for their daughters to have long and happy marriages. Conclusion We found several positive caregiving practices in communities of lowland Nepal, which provide an opportunity to develop a culturally appropriate intervention to support ECD. Our findings suggest that interventions to encourage caregivers’ engagement with their children should build on existing positive caregiving practices without burdening caregivers’ daily lives. Involving fathers and grandmothers in ECD interventions in addition to mothers may be beneficial in promoting children’s development.

Access to adequate and nutritious food is important for the current and future health of adolescent girls. Interventions often focus on the individual as responsible for their own health ignoring the complex structural issues that underlie optimal nutrition. In South Asia gender inequalities have been noted as an important determinant of poor nutrition among women and their young children, but analysis of adolescent girls' diets and what influences these are rarely undertaken. Therefore, we sought to analyse the factors affecting what and where girls' eat and what affects their behaviour in the plains of Nepal, using a cultural-ecological approach. We analysed a secondary qualitative dataset of focus group discussions with adolescent girls aged 12-19 years old, young mothers, mothers-in-law, and older female key informants. Eating was heavily influenced by patriarchal norms. Boys had preferential access to food, money, and freedom of movement to appreciate their future role in providing for the family. Food was an investment, and boys were perceived to have more nutritional need than girls. Girls were not perceived to be a good return on investment of food, and eating practices sought to prepare them for life as a subservient daughter-in-law and wife. Obedience and sacrifice were valued in girls, and they were expected to eat less and do more housework than boys. Girls' eating and behaviour was constrained to maintain self and family honour. Interventions should acknowledge cultural influences on eating and engage multiple actors in addressing harmful gender norms which limit eating and prevent girls from reaching their potential.

Globally, growth monitoring and promotion (GMP) of infants and young children is a fundamental component of routine preventive child health care; however, programs have experienced varying degrees of quality and success with enduring challenges. The objective of this study was to describe implementation of GMP (growth monitoring, growth promotion, data use, and implementation challenges) in two countries, Ghana and Nepal, to identify key actions to strengthen GMP programs. We conducted semi-structured key informant interviews with national and sub-national government officials (n = 24), health workers and volunteers (n = 40), and caregivers (n = 34). We conducted direct structured observations at health facilities (n = 10) and outreach clinics (n = 10) to complement information from interviews. We coded and analyzed interview notes for themes related to GMP implementation. Health workers in Ghana (e.g., community health nurses) and Nepal (e.g., auxiliary nurse midwives) had the knowledge and skills to assess and analyze growth based on weight measurement. However, health workers in Ghana centered growth promotion on the growth trend (weight-for-age over time), whereas health workers in Nepal based growth promotion on measurement from one point in time to determine whether a child was underweight. Overlapping challenges included health worker time and workload. Both countries tracked growth-monitoring data systematically; however, there was variation in growth monitoring data use. This study shows that GMP programs may not always focus on the growth trend for early detection of growth faltering and preventive actions. Several factors contribute to this deviation from the intended goal of GMP. To overcome them, countries need to invest in both service delivery (e.g., decision-making algorithm) and demand generation efforts (e.g., integrate with responsive care and early learning).

In patrilocal societies, married women typically co-reside with their parents-in-law, who may act in their son's reproductive interests. These relationships may shape maternal mental health and autonomy. Few studies have examined these dynamics from an evolutionary perspective. Theoretically, marital kin may increase their fitness by increasing maternal investment or by reducing paternity uncertainty. We explored how co-residence with parents-in-law and husband is associated with maternal outcomes to evaluate whether marital kin provide support or constraint. We analysed data from 444 households in rural lowland Nepal. Maternal mental health was assessed by General Health Questionnaire. Logistic regression models investigated whether, relative to mothers living with both husband and parents-in-law, those co-resident with other combinations of relatives had poorer mental health and lower household economic autonomy (decision-making, bargaining power), adjusting for socio-economic confounders. Co-residence with husband only, or neither husband nor parents-in-law, was associated with higher odds of mothers reporting feeling worthless and losing sleep but also earning income and making household expenditure decisions. Husband co-residence was associated with overall maternal distress but also with less unpaid care work and greater decision-making responsibility. There were no differences in maternal outcomes for mothers living with parents-in-law only, relative to those living with both husbands and parents-in-law. Co-residence of parents-in-law and husbands was associated with contrasting patterns of maternal mental health and economic autonomy. We suggest that different marital kin place different economic demands on mothers, while restricting their autonomy in different ways as forms of 'mate-guarding'.

Use of timely antenatal care has been identified as key to facilitating healthy pregnancies worldwide. Although considerable investment has been made to enhance maternal health services in Nepal, approximately one-third of women do not attend antenatal care until after the first trimester (late). These women miss out on the benefits of screening and interventions that are most effective in the first trimester. This study aimed to identify the missed opportunities of women who do not attend antenatal care in the first trimester, and to explore some of the factors underlying late attendance and consider potential solutions for minimizing these missed opportunities in the future. This study was conducted in 3 hospitals in Nepal. Focus groups (n=18) with a total of 48 postnatal women and 49 staff members, and 10 individual interviews with stakeholders were conducted. Purposive sampling facilitated the obtainment of a full range of maternity experiences, staff categories, and stakeholder positions. Data were qualitative and analyzed using a thematic approach. Limited awareness among women of the importance of early antenatal care was reported as a key factor behind attendance only after the first trimester. The family and community were described as significant influencers in women's decision-making regarding the timing of antenatal care. The benefits of early ultrasound scanning and effective supplementation in pregnancy were the major missed opportunities. Increasing awareness, reducing cost, and enhancing interprofessional collaboration were suggested as potential methods for improving timely initiation of antenatal care. Limited awareness continues to drive late attendance to antenatal care after the first trimester. Investment in services in the first trimester and community health education campaigns are needed to improve this issue and enhance maternal and neonatal outcomes.

BackgroundNurturing care, including adequate nutrition, responsive caregiving and early learning, is critical to early childhood development. In Nepal, national surveys highlight inequity in feeding and caregiving practices for young children. Our objective was to describe infant and young child feeding (IYCF) and cognitive and socio-emotional caregiving practices among caregivers of children under five in Dhanusha district, Nepal, and to explore socio-demographic and economic factors associated with these practices.MethodsWe did a cross-sectional analysis of a subset of data from the MIRA Dhanusha cluster randomised controlled trial, including mother-child dyads (N = 1360), sampled when children were median age 46 days and a follow-up survey of the same mother-child dyads (N = 1352) when children were median age 38 months. We used World Health Organization IYCF indicators and questions from the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey-4 tool to obtain information on IYCF and cognitive and socio-emotional caregiving practices. Using multivariable logistic regression models, potential explanatory household, parental and child-level variables were tested to determine their independent associations with IYCF and caregiving indicators.ResultsThe prevalence of feeding indicators varied. IYCF indicators, including ever breastfed (99%), exclusive breastfeeding (24-hour recall) (89%), and vegetable/fruit consumption (69%) were common. Problem areas were early initiation of breastfeeding (16%), colostrum feeding (67%), no pre-lacteal feeding (53%), timely introduction of complementary feeding (56%), minimum dietary diversity (49%) and animal-source food consumption (23%). Amongst caregiving indicators, access to 3+ children’s books (7%), early stimulation and responsive caregiving (11%), and participation in early childhood education (27%) were of particular concern, while 64% had access to 2+ toys and 71% received adequate care. According to the Early Child Development Index score, only 38% of children were developmentally on track. Younger children from poor households, whose mothers were young, had not received antenatal visits and delivered at home were at higher risk of poor IYCF and caregiving practices.ConclusionsSuboptimal caregiving practices, inappropriate early breastfeeding practices, delayed introduction of complementary foods, inadequate dietary diversity and low animal-source food consumption are challenges in lowland Nepal. We call for urgent integrated nutrition and caregiving interventions, especially as interventions for child development are lacking in Nepal.

ObjectivesMaternal factors shape the risk of infant undernutrition, however the contributions of age at marriage versus age at pregnancy are rarely disentangled. We explore these issues in a population from lowland rural Nepal, where median ages at marriage and first pregnancy are 15 and 17 years respectively and marriage almost always precedes pregnancy.MethodsWe analyzed data on first‐time mothers (n = 3002) from a cluster‐randomized trial (2012–2015). Exposures were ages at marriage and pregnancy, categorized into groups. Outcomes were z‐scores for weight (WAZ), length (LAZ), head circumference (HCAZ), and weight‐for‐length (WLZ), and prevalence of wasting and stunting, for neonates (<8 days) and infants (6–12 months). Mixed linear and logistic regression models tested associations of marriage and pregnancy ages with outcomes, adjusting for parental education, household assets, caste, landholding, seasonality, child sex, intervention arm, randomization strata and cluster.ResultsFor neonates, pregnancy <18 years predicted lower LAZ, and <19 years predicted lower WAZ and HCAZ. Results were largely null for marriage age, however early pregnancy and marriage at 10–13 years independently predicted neonatal stunting. For infants, earlier pregnancy was associated with lower LAZ and HCAZ, with a trend to lower WAZ for marriage 10–13 years. Early pregnancy, but not early marriage, predicted infant stunting.ConclusionsEarly marriage and pregnancy were associated with poorer growth, mainly in terms of LAZ and HCAZ. Associations were stronger for neonatal than infant outcomes, suggesting pregnancy is more susceptible to these stresses. Early marriage and pregnancy may index different social and biological factors predicting child undernutrition.

Marriage during childhood and adolescence adversely affects maternal and child health and well-being, making it a critical global health issue. Analysis of factors associated with women marrying ≥18 years has limited utility in societies where the norm is to marry substantially earlier. This paper investigated how much education Nepali women needed to delay marriage across the range of ages from 15 to ≥18 years. Data on 6,406 women aged 23-30 years were analysed from the Low Birth Weight South Asia Trial on the early-marrying and low-educated Maithili-speaking Madhesi population in Terai, Nepal. Multivariable logistic regression models assessed the associations of women's education with marrying aged ≥15, ≥16, ≥17 and ≥18 years. Cox proportional hazards regression models quantified the hazard of marrying. Models adjusted for caste affiliation. Women married at median age of 15 years and three-quarters were uneducated. Women's primary and lower-secondary education were weakly associated with delaying marriage, whether the cut-off to define early marriage was 15, 16, 17 or 18 years, with stronger associations for secondary education. Caste associations were weak. Overall, models explained relatively little of the variance in the likelihood of marriage at different ages. The joint effects of lower-secondary and higher caste affiliation and of secondary/higher education and mid and higher caste affiliation reduced the hazard of marrying. In early-marrying and low-educated societies, changing caste-based norms are unlikely to delay women's marriage. Research on broader risk factors and norms that are more relevant for delaying marriage in these contexts is needed. Gradual increases in women's median marriage age and increased secondary education may, over time, reduce child and adolescent marriage.

Background and objectivesEvolutionary research on the sex ratio at birth (SRB) has focused on explaining variability within and between populations, and whether parental fitness is maximized by producing daughters or sons. We tested predictors of SRB in a low-income setting, to understand whether girls differ from boys in their likelihood of being born into families with the capacity to invest in them, which has implications for their future health and fitness.MethodologyWe used data from a cluster randomized control trial from lowland rural Nepal (16 115 mother-child dyads). We applied principal component analysis to extract two composite indices reflecting maternal socio-economic and reproductive (parity, age) capital. We fitted mixed-effects logistic regression models to estimate odds ratios of having a girl in association with these individual factors and indices.ResultsThe SRB was 112. Compared to the global reference SRB (105), there were seven missing girls per 100 boys. Uneducated, early-marrying, poorer and shorter mothers were more likely to give birth to girls. Analysing composite maternal indices, lower socio-economic and reproductive capital were independently associated with a greater likelihood of having a girl.Conclusions and implicationsIn this population, girls start life facing composite disadvantages, being more likely than boys to be born to mothers with lower socio-economic status and reproductive capital. Both physiological and behavioural mechanisms may contribute to these epidemiological associations. Differential early exposure by sex to maternal factors may underpin intergenerational cycles of gender inequality, mediated by developmental trajectory, education and socio-economic status.

Background and objectivesWomen’s nutritional status is important for their health and reproductive fitness. In a population where early marriage is common, we investigated how women’s nutritional status is associated with their age at marriage (marking a geographical transfer between households), and at first pregnancy.MethodologyWe used data from a cluster-randomized control trial from lowland Nepal (n = 4071). Outcomes including body mass index (BMI) were measured in early pregnancy and trial endpoint, after delivery. We fitted mixed-effects linear and logistic regression models to estimate associations of age at marriage and age at pregnancy with outcomes, and with odds of chronic energy deficiency (CED, BMI <18.5 kg/m2), at both timepoints.ResultsBMI in early pregnancy averaged 20.9 kg/m2, with CED prevalence of 12.5%. In 750 women measured twice, BMI declined 1.2 (95% confidence interval 1.1, 1.3) kg/m2 between early pregnancy and endpoint, when CED prevalence was 35.5%. Early pregnancy was associated in dose-response manner with poorer nutritional status. Early marriage was independently associated with poorer nutritional status among those pregnant ≤15 years, but with better nutritional status among those pregnant ≥19 years.Conclusions and implicationsThe primary determinant of nutritional status was age at pregnancy, but this association also varied by marriage age. Our results suggest that natal households may marry their daughters earlier if food insecure, but that their nutritional status can improve in the marital household if pregnancy is delayed. Marriage age therefore determines which household funds adolescent weight gain, with implications for Darwinian fitness of the members of both households.